Which of the following accurately compares the powers of Congress and the president quizlet?

In the last years presidential primacy, so indispensable to the political order, has turned into presidential supremacy. The constitutional Presidency—as events so apparently disparate as the Indochina War and the Watergate affair showed, has become the imperial Presidency and threatens to be the revolutionary Presidency. . . . The imperial Presidency was essentially the creation of foreign policy. A combination of doctrines and emotions—belief in the permanent and universal crisis, fear of communism, faith in the duty and right of the United States to intervene swiftly in every part of the world—had brought about the unprecedented centralization of decisions. Prolonged war in Vietnam strengthened the tendencies toward both centralization and exclusion. So the imperial Presidency grew at the expense of the constitutional order. Like the cowbird, it hatched its own eggs and pushed the others out of the nest. And, as it overwhelmed the traditional separation of powers in foreign affairs, it began to aspire toward an equivalent centralization of power in the domestic polity.
Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Imperial Presidency, 1973

Which of the following statements is a correct implication of the author's argument?

To be sure, the President's control over foreign affairs had been growing since the Theodore Roosevelt administration [1901-1909]. . . . [President Roosevelt's] acquisition of the Panama Canal Zone preceded Woodrow Wilson's decision to enter World War I, which was a prelude to Franklin Delano Roosevelt's management of the run-up to the victorious American effort in World War II. In the 1950s, Harry S. Truman's response to the Soviet threat included the decision to fight in Korea without a Congressional declaration of war, and Dwight Eisenhower used the Central Intelligence Agency and brinkmanship to contain Communism. Nineteenth-century presidents had had to contend with Congressional influences in foreign affairs, and particularly with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. But by the early 1960s, the president had become the undisputed architect of U.S. foreign policy.
One reason for this was the emergence of the United States as a great power with global obligations. Neither Wilson nor FDR could have imagined taking the country to war without a Congressional declaration, but the exigencies of the cold war in the 1950s heightened the country's reliance on the president to defend its interests. Truman could enter the Korean conflict without having to seek Congressional approval simply by describing the deployment of U.S. troops as a police action taken in conjunction with the United Nations.
Robert Dallek, "Power and the Presidency, From Kennedy to Obama," Smithsonian magazine, January 2011

Which of the following is a difference between the power of nineteenth-century presidents and that of the modern president according to the passage?

In many places, classrooms are overcrowded and curricula are outdated. Most of our qualified teachers are underpaid, and many of our paid teachers are unqualified. So we must give every child a place to sit and a teacher to learn from. Poverty must not be a bar to learning, and learning must offer an escape from poverty.
But more classrooms and more teachers are not enough. We must seek an educational system which grows in excellence as it grows in size. This means better training for our teachers. It means preparing youth to enjoy their hours of leisure as well as their hours of labor. It means exploring new techniques of teaching, to find new ways to stimulate the love of learning and the capacity for creation. . . .
. . . While our Government has many programs directed at those issues, I do not pretend that we have the full answer to those problems.
But I do promise this: We are going to assemble the best thought and the broadest knowledge from all over the world to find those answers for America. I intend to establish working groups to prepare a series of White House conferences and meetings . . . on the quality of education, and on other emerging challenges. And from these meetings and from this inspiration and from these studies we will begin to set our course toward the Great Society.
The solution to these problems does not rest on a massive program in Washington, nor can it rely solely on the strained resources of local authority. They require us to create new concepts of cooperation, a creative federalism, between the National Capital and the leaders of local communities.
President Lyndon B. Johnson, May 22, 1964

Which of the following explains President Johnson's motivation for the speech in relation to his role as the head of the executive branch?

Sets with similar terms

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Which of the following is an accurate comparison of the separation of powers in Congress quizlet?

Which of the following is the correct comparison between the United States Constitution and the Articles of Confederation?

Which of the following is an accurate comparison of the US House of Representatives in the US Senate?

What powers are given to the president by the Constitution?